#2002
In the countries of Europe, if workers' unions and similar new organizations do not soon take the course of History into their own hands, they may become new pawns in the new fascist machine against Russia.
Those who do not know History are forced to repeat it.
harry haller wrote the following post Fri, 18 Oct 2024 17:14:09 +0200
MIM Congress: Fascism Defined MIM Notes 264 • August 15, 2002• Page 4
*Here MIM culls some of the defining characteristics of fascism from classic texts of the Third International:Dimitrov’s report to the 7th world congress of the COMINTERN (1) and Dutt’s “Fascism and SocialRevolution.”(2) Applying these principles today, we can say that even though the imperialists have not implemented fascist measures against the exploiter majority in First World countries, the imperialists are the principal prop of fascism in the oppressed nations. This is why MIM wages a concerted fight against nationalist social-democracy and fascism in Europe. Both are strains of militant parasitism; both support the status quo of oppression in the Third World.*1. Fascism is “the open terroristic dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic, and most imperialist elements of finance capital.”(Dimitrov,p. 2)
2. Fascism is an extreme measure taken by the bourgeoisie to forestall proletarian revolution; it “expresses the weakness of the bourgeoisie itself, afraid of the realization of a united struggle of the working class, afraid of revolution, and no longer in a position to maintain its dictatorship over the masses by the old means of bourgeois democracy and parliamentarianism.”(Dimitrov, p. 2) “The conditions [which give rise to fascism] are: instability of capitalist relationships; the existence of considerable declassed social elements,the pauperization of broad strata of the urban petit-bourgeoisie and of the intelligentsia; discontent among the rural petit-bourgeoisie, and finally, the constant menace of mass proletarian action.”(Dutt, p. 88)
3. Fascism concentrates each imperialist bloc into a single economic unit while at the same time increasing between-bloc antagonisms and advancing towards war. (Dutt, pp. 72-73)
4. Fascism promotes chauvinist demagogy (e.g. reducing the problem of parasitism to the “Jewish Question”) and anti-science obscuratinism (e.g. Dutt, pp.54-58 or any Jerry Bruckheimer film).Fascism hypocritically adopts Marxist critiques of capitalism, and bourgeois democracy.(Dimitrov, pp. 6-7) It does this to “utilize the discontent of the petit-bourgeois, the intellectual, and other strata in society.”(Dutt, p. 89)
5. Still, fascism may not completely dispense with bourgeois democracy — e.g. banning revolutionary parties or even competing bourgeois parties — depending on “historical, social and economic conditions.”(Dimitrov, p. 4)
6. Both bourgeois democracy and fascism are forms of the class dictatorship of finance or comprador capital (in imperialist and semi-colonial countries, respectively) — that is, both use organized violence to maintain the class rule of the oppressors over the oppressed. Hence, any differentiation between bourgeois democracy and fascism is a strategic or tactical matter — not a matter of Marxist principles.
7. The difference between bourgeois democracy and fascism is a matter of quantitative changes leading to a qualitative change. The qualitative differences are relevant to us in terms of their effect on our policies towards non-proletarian classes. “The accession to power of fascism is not an ordinary succession of one bourgeois government by another, but a substitution of one state form of class domination of the bourgeoisie — bourgeois democracy — by another form — open terrorist dictatorship. It would be a serious mistake to ignore this distinction, a mistake liable to prevent the revolutionary proletariat from mobilizing the widest strata of the working people of town and country for the struggle against the menace of seizure of power by the fascists, and from taking advantage of the contradictions which exist in the camp of the bourgeoisie itself. But it is a mistake, no less serious and dangerous, to underrate the importance of, for the establishment of fascist dictatorship, of the reactionary measures of the bourgeoisie at present increasingly developing in bourgeois-democratic countries — measures which suppress the democratic liberties of the working people, falsify and curtail the rights of parliament and intensify the repression of the revolutionary movement.” (Dimitrov, pp. 4-5; emphasis in the original)
8. Social democrats of the Second International ilk paved the way for the fascists by closely identifying itself with the national interests of their respective imperialists states, denying internationalism, placing their faith in bourgeois democracy and scuttling the extra-legal struggle for state power. Hence they earned the epithet “socialfascists.”
9. The COMINTERN United Front policy was based on its assessment that “[f]ascism is the most vicious enemy of the working class and working people, who constitute nine-tenths of the people in [the] fascist [and proto-fascist] countries.”(p. 12) Furthermore, the working class in these countries constituted a unified proletariat. Fascism was eroding the material basis for differences between communist and social-democratic workers.(E.g.Dimitrov, pp. 24-34)
10. The labor aristocracy is majority in the imperialist countries and not proletarian. The fact that the imperialist allow the labor aristocracy bourgeois democracy is an example of the alliance between these two classes and consistent with the following observation from Dutt: “Fascism strives to establish political and organizational unity among all the governing classes of capitalist society (the bankers, the big industrialists and the agrarians), and to establish their undivided, open and consistent dictatorship.”(Dutt, p 89; emphasis added)
Notes:1. George Dimitrov, Against Fascism and War,New York: International Publishers, 1986.
2. R Palme Dutt, Fascism and SocialRevolution, New York: International Publishers,1934.
https://www.prisoncensorship.info/archive/etext/mn/mn264.pdf#page=4
more perspectives..
Theses on fascism in 2002
MIM Notes 264 • August 15, 2002 • Pages 1+5
Contemporary fascism was a hot topic at this year’s party Congress. In this issue we publish the resolutions MIM passed on the issue, including a definition of fascism (see page 4) and class alliances in the struggle against fascism (page 5).
The victory of fascism in our times by filthy scum that rose to power in Italy and Austria, the commemorations of Nazis and Nazi collaborators in the Baltic countries, Le Pen’s run-off victory for president in France in 2002, and the fascist surge in Belgium and Denmark demonstrates that contrary to bourgeois propagandists, the capitalist countries did not learn any lessons against fascism during World War II. Rather fascism arises as a sign of the decay of imperialism that the world continues to suffer under, because capitalism as a system is incapable of learning the true lessons of peace.
The pivot for fighting fascism and anti-Semitism is grasping the global pattern and local dynamics of parasitism. Those political leaders and movements which seek to increase imperialist country parasitism whether from the “left” or the “right” are feeding the flames of fascism. Whether stirred from the “left” or “right,” parasitic movements give birth to ultra-nationalism as a simple answer to alleged immigration “problems” and oppressor nation joblessness. It hardly matters what exact program stirs these fascist forces to life, because fascist activists and supporters are not politically conscious in a detailed way in most cases anyway. Today, those contending for parliamentary power, including fascists, are more or less synonymous with parasitism and for this reason there is a special meaning to opposing “democracy,” by which we mean majority rule within imperialist countries. It is in “democracy” where outsiders like Le Pen can posture their way into power only by offering more parasitism than the current elected officials like Chirac or Jospin.
Since neither Chirac’s nor Le Pen’s coalition in France opposes parasitism, the question of who to side with if anyone can only be strategic or tactical. It is not a question of ideological principle to support either. The proletariat of France should seek advantage however it can in the struggle between Le Pen and Chirac.
During World War II, siding against fascism automatically was part of a larger calculation of the global balance of forces. Today, if France and much of Europe goes fascist but the United $tates does not, there may be positive or negative impacts overall for the proletariat. Opposing fascism in the united $tates is perhaps more urgent strategically for the international proletariat than the rise of fascism in Europe.
MIM approves the following resolution for release as part of Congress documents. A more detailed analysis will appear in MIM Theory.
Imperialism has been overthrown in one country. It was not France in 1968. It was in the Soviet-occupied zone of Germany in 1945. In the imperialist countries, it is not general strikes, large wage increases or “30 for 40” that should be studied. It is the example of the downfall of Nazi Germany that is still the most relevant example of revolutionary history in the imperialist countries. It is a measure of the chokehold of revisionism in the imperialist countries, that the Soviet occupation of a zone of Germany is not widely upheld as an example of the road forward.
Although the German communists aided by the USSR during World War II set up anti-militarist and anti-Hitler committees, anti-militarism never took hold amongst a majority of Germans and the vast majority of the German population had to be persuaded by weapons instead of reason. Although Stalin considered the idea that the war should slow down in order to give the German people yet another few months to change their minds, in the end the only correct decision was to hasten the military conflict and thereby bring an end to much genocide.
In the essence of U.S. Government activity outside U.$. borders, the united $tates carries out a combination of genocide against the people and bribery of local ruling class lackeys. It is elementary that any proletarian movement in the imperialist countries must oppose their own governments’ oppression in the Third World, not least of all because any peaceful world will require that genocide be relinquished as a tool of “foreign policy.” Today there remain a majority of elected “democratic” politicians in the imperialist country who are too spineless or backward to say openly that those who commit genocide in the Third World will find that the oppressed people will “kill them back.” It is the duty of communist parties in the imperialist countries to cultivate the truth that contrary to the Amerikkkans who killed almost all the Native peoples in North America and contrary to Hitler who systematically killed many peoples and planned to kill many more, genocide does not bring lasting peace. Even in the killing of the most militarily defenseless victims as in the white settlers who killed Indians, the history of violence lasts to this day to produce the likes of the Columbine tragedy, where serial killers run amok spraying bullets everywhere — at a frequency not seen in countries without that history of genocide by gun-toting cowboys.
Today, the proletariat must be merciless to any politician who continues like the ostrich with its head in the sand to believe that modern weapons of militarism will not spread to the victims of genocide. Quite the contrary, the profit-system guarantees that where there is demand, there will be supply.
Whether it is Iraq, Afghanistan or the West Bank, it is clear that without openly adopting fascism, the essence of u.$.imperialism and its allies today is genocide and any tally of the victims of U.$. imperialism will show that it has implemented much more of Hitler’s genocidal plans than Hitler did.
For tactics of opposing fascism, it is important to cultivate the scientific non-voter, who is often maligned by so-called “democratic” forces as “apathetic.” The scientific non-voter is often conscious that s/he has not investigated a political situation and therefore does not vote — and in this way believes he or she is demonstrating minimal responsibility. The scientific non-voter is often disgusted by politicians who posture for votes and bribery. In contrast with “democracy” activists who believe that the votes of willfully ignorant but decadent people will somehow add up to social progress, the scientific non-voter is one reason why we communists should not pander to those who want “majority rule” in the imperialist countries. If communists do not make it clear that they believe politics requires strong scientific and leadership efforts, the scientific non-voter is liable to turn to hard-line fascism.
As communists we should already know that there is no way to prevent a general distrust and disgust regarding parliamentary politics. The only question is whether those disgusted with politicians posturing for votes withoutstanding for principles and difficult solutions will be diverted by fascists, brow-beaten by parliamentary cretins or won over by communists. We communists are here to say that politics is like any other area of life in that science really does matter and it is not a matter that the truth will arise through a majority vote of those who know very well that they do not pay much attention to the subject at hand. Majority input can only be helpful in most times in imperialist countries when the majority recognizes that it does not put in enough effort to be worthy of deciding whether someone should live or die in the West Bank for example. When the majority has realized clearly that only in exceptional political turmoil do the people themselves study political and social matters closely, the majority may decide to fall behind principled scientific leaders and support them in those areas where the majority does have knowledge and other kinds of power.
[Passed as amendment] Since U.$.imperialism is enemy #1 in the world, various tactical or strategic alliances cannot be ruled out as being contrary to proletarian interests, although each has limited usefulness to the international proletariat. One related road of conflict will involve the European Union (EU) in opposition to the Amerikkkan New World order, with the EU speaking as a whole. We suspect that this would be an imperialist reform movement within the New World Order; although other forces could also hide behind an EU conflict with the United $tates. Since overthrowing European imperialism entirely is not on the agenda, for now, MIM is pro-EU as a matter of opposing extreme European nationalism and old-style fascism. We point out that the New World Order can never be unified or peaceful.
https://www.prisoncensorship.info/archive/etext/mn/mn264.pdf#page=1
https://www.prisoncensorship.info/archive/etext/mn/mn264.pdf#page=5
MIM Congress: Fascism Defined
MIM Notes 264 • August 15, 2002• Page 4
Here MIM culls some of the defining characteristics of fascism from classic texts of the Third International:Dimitrov’s report to the 7th world congress of the COMINTERN (1) and Dutt’s “Fascism and SocialRevolution.”(2) Applying these principles today, we can say that even though the imperialists have not implemented fascist measures against the exploiter majority in First World countries, the imperialists are the principal prop of fascism in the oppressed nations. This is why MIM wages a concerted fight against nationalist social-democracy and fascism in Europe. Both are strains of militant parasitism; both support the status quo of oppression in the Third World.
Fascism is “the open terroristic dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic, and most imperialist elements of finance capital.”(Dimitrov,p. 2)
Fascism is an extreme measure taken by the bourgeoisie to forestall proletarian revolution; it “expresses the weakness of the bourgeoisie itself, afraid of the realization of a united struggle of the working class, afraid of revolution, and no longer in a position to maintain its dictatorship over the masses by the old means of bourgeois democracy and parliamentarianism.”(Dimitrov, p. 2) “The conditions [which give rise to fascism] are: instability of capitalist relationships; the existence of considerable declassed social elements,the pauperization of broad strata of the urban petit-bourgeoisie and of the intelligentsia; discontent among the rural petit-bourgeoisie, and finally, the constant menace of mass proletarian action.”(Dutt, p. 88)
Fascism concentrates each imperialist bloc into a single economic unit while at the same time increasing between-bloc antagonisms and advancing towards war. (Dutt, pp. 72-73)
Fascism promotes chauvinist demagogy (e.g. reducing the problem of parasitism to the “Jewish Question”) and anti-science obscuratinism (e.g. Dutt, pp.54-58 or any Jerry Bruckheimer film).Fascism hypocritically adopts Marxist critiques of capitalism, and bourgeois democracy.(Dimitrov, pp. 6-7) It does this to “utilize the discontent of the petit-bourgeois, the intellectual, and other strata in society.”(Dutt, p. 89)
Still, fascism may not completely dispense with bourgeois democracy — e.g. banning revolutionary parties or even competing bourgeois parties — depending on “historical, social and economic conditions.”(Dimitrov, p. 4)
Both bourgeois democracy and fascism are forms of the class dictatorship of finance or comprador capital (in imperialist and semi-colonial countries, respectively) — that is, both use organized violence to maintain the class rule of the oppressors over the oppressed. Hence, any differentiation between bourgeois democracy and fascism is a strategic or tactical matter — not a matter of Marxist principles.
The difference between bourgeois democracy and fascism is a matter of quantitative changes leading to a qualitative change. The qualitative differences are relevant to us in terms of their effect on our policies towards non-proletarian classes. “The accession to power of fascism is not an ordinary succession of one bourgeois government by another, but a substitution of one state form of class domination of the bourgeoisie — bourgeois democracy — by another form — open terrorist dictatorship. It would be a serious mistake to ignore this distinction, a mistake liable to prevent the revolutionary proletariat from mobilizing the widest strata of the working people of town and country for the struggle against the menace of seizure of power by the fascists, and from taking advantage of the contradictions which exist in the camp of the bourgeoisie itself. But it is a mistake, no less serious and dangerous, to underrate the importance of, for the establishment of fascist dictatorship, of the reactionary measures of the bourgeoisie at present increasingly developing in bourgeois-democratic countries — measures which suppress the democratic liberties of the working people, falsify and curtail the rights of parliament and intensify the repression of the revolutionary movement.” (Dimitrov, pp. 4-5; emphasis in the original)
Social democrats of the Second International ilk paved the way for the fascists by closely identifying itself with the national interests of their respective imperialists states, denying internationalism, placing their faith in bourgeois democracy and scuttling the extra-legal struggle for state power. Hence they earned the epithet “socialfascists.”
The COMINTERN United Front policy was based on its assessment that “[f]ascism is the most vicious enemy of the working class and working people, who constitute nine-tenths of the people in [the] fascist [and proto-fascist] countries.”(p. 12) Furthermore, the working class in these countries constituted a unified proletariat. Fascism was eroding the material basis for differences between communist and social-democratic workers.(E.g.Dimitrov, pp. 24-34)
The labor aristocracy is majority in the imperialist countries and not proletarian. The fact that the imperialist allow the labor aristocracy bourgeois democracy is an example of the alliance between these two classes and consistent with the following observation from Dutt: “Fascism strives to establish political and organizational unity among all the governing classes of capitalist society (the bankers, the big industrialists and the agrarians), and to establish their undivided, open and consistent dictatorship.”(Dutt, p 89; emphasis added)
Notes:
George Dimitrov, Against Fascism and War,New York: International Publishers, 1986.
R Palme Dutt, Fascism and SocialRevolution, New York: International Publishers,1934.
https://www.prisoncensorship.info/archive/etext/mn/mn264.pdf#page=4
A #mini-planet orbiting in the frigid #outer reaches of the #solarsystem has a #Saturn-like #ring of #dust and #debris that #defies the rules of #physics, a new study has #revealed.
The planet in question is called #Quaoar and it's the #seventh largest of the known #dwarf #planets of which #Pluto is the #king. #Discovered in #2002 and about 697 miles wide (1,121 kilometers), Quaoar is one of the so-called #trans-Neptunian objects, small planets orbiting #beyond the solar system's outermost planet #Neptune.
Residing in the #KuiperBelt, the doughnut-shaped ring of rocky and icy debris in the outer solar system, Quaoar is a proud owner of its own #moon, the 100-mile-wide (160 km) #Weywot. And a recent observation campaign revealed that it also has a ring of material in its orbit.
That by itself wouldn't be so special. The gas giant Saturn is known to possess a whole series of rings. #Jupiter, Neptune and #Uranus also have some. One other trans-Neptunian object — #Haumea — has been found to have a ring, and the space rock #Chariklo that orbits between #Saturn and #Uranus also has one. So what exactly sets Quaoar's ring apart?
Related: Dwarf planets: science & facts about the solar system’s smaller worlds
Quaoar's ring is at a very unusual #distance from its parent body. In fact, before astronomers discovered Quaoar's ring in observations from several telescopes conducted between 2018 and 2021, they had thought that it was impossible for a ring to exist at such a distance. With a radius of about 2,420 miles (3,885 km) from Quaoar's center, the ring is too far away from the dwarf planet that its gravity should no longer be able to keep the material dispersed. Instead, it should coalesce under its own gravity and form another moon, just like Weywot. By not having done that, the ring has breached what astronomers call the Roche limit, the first known ring around a #celestial body to have done so.
"What is so intriguing about this discovery around Quaoar is that the ring of material is much farther out than the Roche limit," Giovanni Bruno, an astronomer at Italy's National Institute for Astrophysics (INAF) and one of the authors of the paper, said in a European #Space Agency (ESA) statement. "As a result of our observations, the classical notion that dense rings survive only inside the Roche limit of a planetary body must be thoroughly revised."
The ring was discovered during a series of occultations, essentially eclipses, when Quaoar passed between Earth and several more distant but much brighter stars. When an occultation occurs, the light of the background star temporarily dims. The effect is only visible to very sensitive telescopes and is frequently used to detect exoplanets orbiting stars in our Milky Way galaxy, which is why ESA's exoplanet hunter Cheops was among the telescopes watching these Quaoar occultations.
When astronomers analyzed the data, they realized that apart from the main dip in the background stars' brightness, they could detect two smaller drops. Since drops occurred before and after the main occultation, respectively, the researchers thought that Quaoar must be surrounded with a ring.
Several Earth-based telescopes also observed the occultations with similar results, but Cheops' data were particularly valuable as they proved that the odd dimmings were not caused by the effects of Earth's atmosphere.
https://www.space.com/mysterious-ring-around-dwarf-planet-puzzles-astronomers
https://odysee.com/@januszkowalskii1979:e/CONvid-1984---Is-the-Planned-Mass-Extermination-of-Humanity-(Diana-Lenska):8
Yyyyyup! tests were ready in 2017.
Not only that, COVID19 appeared, by that name, in a UK Gov document listing scary infectious diseases in 2015.
Not only that, the SARS-Cov2 viral line was fraudulently patented in 2002, and no significant changes since then.
Buuuuut if you’re actively avoiding looking at clues, these three pieces of information will plink off your eyeballs.
#agnotology #2017 #2015 #2002 and earlier. #2001 #1997 #sackthepnac #1984. #1974. #1948. #1947
… beware the lies to scare you into the agentic state, obeying, without question. power over others, attracts psychos.
#Music on #White-Spectral-Mirror
#DamienRice 12/7/1973 #Birth #Irish musician
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5I-2EdB6gXQ
#Damien-Rice - #O [ #Full #Album #2002]
#challengingYourBelief
https://rumble.com/v278dta-challenging-your-belief.html
"the mark of an educated mind is to be able to entertain a thought without accepting it" #AlanJames 's phrasing of the #goodquote / #idea attributed to #Aristotle
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#DaveBrock 8/20/1941 #Birth #British musician and founder of #Hawkwind.
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Herbie Hancock Quintet
So What / Impressions
#music #jazz #HerbieHancock #MichaelBrecker #RoyHargrove #GeorgeMraz #WillieJones #MilesDavis #JohnColtrane #2002
20 Jahre Euro als Bargeld: Fünf Prognosen im Faktencheck | DW | 01.01.2022
Seit dem 1. Januar 2002 gibt es den Euro als Bargeld. Viele Hoffnungen, aber auch Befürchtungen wurden damals mit der neuen Währung verknüpft. Was hat sich davon bewahrheitet oder als völliger Quatsch herausgestellt?#Faktencheck #Euro #Bargeld #2002 #EuropäischeUnion #Währungsunion #Prognose
20 Jahre Euro als Bargeld: Fünf Prognosen im Faktencheck | DW | 01.01.2022